Zimbabwe and China: Mugabe’s fate an unpleasant reminder

The great leader has fallen. Tanks are on the streets of the capital. A cadre of army officers seize the elderly statesman and demand that he publicly resign and hand over power to their chosen successor. A corrupt administration happily turn, as does his public support. His family have fled the country. Senior members of his government are either already under house arrest or are fleeing. He is handed a script, and television cameras begin to roll.

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基本法的新詮釋?政府該給香港人理由為何羅哲斯被拒入境 A new interpretation of the Basic Law? Hong Kong deserves to know why Rogers was denied entry

編按: Evan 認為,在羅哲斯被拒入境時,根據《基本法》林鄭一定已被知會;如果羅哲斯入境確實是外交問題,構成「外交事務」的要素必須要釐清,並理應告知羅哲斯、英國政府和香港人。

Evan argues that in denying Rogers entry, Carrie Lam must have been informed in accordance with the Basic Law; and if his entry was indeed a foreign affair issue, what constitutes “foreign affairs” needs to be defined. Rogers, the British government and the Hong Kong people should be told.

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香港人有感到被中共代表嗎? Do Hong Kong People Feel Represented by the Chinese National Congress?

編按:Evan 指出香港人普遍對十九大的反應遲鈍。他認為所謂的「中國特色社會主義」,是依附著無期望能創出自己未來的人——這些人潛意識地信任權力而非這些演出。他希望我們勇於發問一些同胞不敢問的事。

Evan notes the muted response in Hong Kong to the 19th National Congress. He argues that so-called “socialism with Chinese characteristics” is contingent on a people who have no expectation of shaping their own future — people who subconsciously believe in authority rather than representation. He dares us to ask those questions our countrymen dare not.

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我朋友是五毛黨? — 為什麼香港政治容不下中庸之道? My Friend the 50 cent-er? — Why is There No Place for Moderation in HK Politics?

編按:方禮倫認為今天的香港容不下溫和與克制,這是他的切身之談,也是他一位被污衊為五毛黨的朋友的切膚之痛。他說社會要有對話,必須讓溫和的人有機會發言。但這不太可能,因為我們國家的政治現在是各走極端,而不是為了打開新的局面。在現實生活中,中共就是我們允許聽到的唯一聲音,不會跟我們對話。

Evan argues that Hong Kong today is no place for the moderate, sharing with us his own experiences and that of a friend who has unfairly been called a 50-center. He says that for there to be a discourse, moderates must again find their voice. However, this is unlikely as the push to the extremes is a reflection not of new, but our national politics — in reality the CCP is the only voice that we are allowed to hear, and it does not do dialogue.

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為何英國維權人士會在林鄭發表施政報告一日被拒入境? Why bar British Human Rights Activist on the day of Carrie Lam’s First Policy Address?

編按:方禮倫在本文指,禁止羅哲斯入境的邏輯存在內部矛盾,而且這一決定只令北京對維護香港核心價值觀漫不經心的謠言更火上加油。

Evan writes that there is an internal contradiction to the logic of barring Benedict Rogers from Hong Kong, and that the decision itself only adds fuel to the fire of rumours that Beijing is not serious about preserving Hong Kong’s core values.

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As Catalans call a referendum, we dare not risk China’s wrath in Hong Kong 加泰羅尼亞人號召公投,但香港人不敢這樣做

Evan looks at the parallels between the Catalan referendum and the 2014 poll, and the following Occupy protests. Whilst he sees many similarities, he stresses that there is a fundamental difference: the relationship of Hong Kong people with our national government is defined by fear. We dare not have a referendum. And our “pragmatism” is not pragmatic, but really a sign of oppression.

編按:Evan 審視加泰羅尼亞公投、香港 2014 年民意調查,以及之後的佔領行動,雖然從中看到很多相似之處,但 Evan 強調兩地人民有根本區別:香港人與政府的關係是由恐懼所決定的,我們因此不敢公投;我們所謂的「實用主義」並不務實,而是真正被壓迫的跡象。

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Patten Shows How Governance Has Changed, But How Much Is Carrie Lam Allowed To Do? 彭定康到訪顯香港管治變化,但林鄭又可被允許作出多少改善呢?

(編按:Evan 在本文指,香港殖民地時期最後一住港督彭定康最近訪港,突出了我城管治情況有多大變化。他認為彭定康對批評和反對意見的尊重,以及建議多與民接觸,不應被視為一個驚喜。 Evan 最後提到,香港人要問的真正問題是,不斷分裂的社會底下正在影響政治時,林鄭是否被允許作出選擇呢?)

In this essay, Evan argues how the recent visit of Hong Kong’s last governor Chris Patten highlights how much governance has changed in this city. He argues that Patten’s respect for criticism and opposing views, and his advice to engage with people, should not come as a surprise. He says the real question Hong Kong people must ask is whether in defining the divisive politics that afflicts the city is Carrie Lam allowed a choice at all?

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